Iraq:nothing less than a revolution


about 11 governorates in the center and south of the country. They no longer satisfy the name of their movement with less than a “revolution”, and the indication of this is not only their radical demands, but the numbers of the dead, the assassins, the injured, the handicapped, the detainees and the absent. 

When the Iraqis took to the streets, they did not expect that violence of this magnitude would be practiced against them. The most challenging slogan was: “We die ten, we die meme, I am a caravan, on the issue.” The youth did not realize that the hundred dead few people in the machine that killed the authority that had been constantly using it since the early days of the revolution. However, the authority, in turn, was not at all in its mind that the killing machine itself would become a major driver in the increasing demands of Iraqi society for its departure.

Massacres against isolation

To date, the death toll of the Iraqi revolution has exceeded more than 430, and the number of assassins (i.e. those who were intentionally filtered) is not documented, and the number of injured has reached more than 20,000 injured, many of whom suffer from permanent disability, in addition to thousands of detainees in the official authorities and factions. Armed party-affiliated. Since the beginning of October, and until today, there have been many massacres, the majority of which were in November, and direct live bullets were used against them, unarmed protesters who did not possess any weapons. These massacres were alternated by official state forces and armed factions of the parties. Local governments in the governorates and the federal government in Baghdad tried to play down the numbers of deaths at the beginning, but they were surprised by the youths’ documentation of the killings and some field executions, so she quickly stuck the various charges against the protesters, and in the end she went to her most important option: sacking security leaders and referring cases to investigation.

The Baghdad massacres – the largest of which lasted only two days – did not sow fear of the Iraqis. Massacres were being committed, the arenas were filled, and anger was rising. The funeral of the dead bodies has turned into political demonstrations joined by clan elders who, until shortly before the massacres, opted not to express their political views. The role of young women in wearing the Arab dress appeared to spread shame in the hearts of the clan elders who have been meeting with the politicians to make calm deals with them, as in the traditional wearing of Arab women, a great insult to men according to Iraqi tribal norms. 

The massacres and the escalation of the movement in the streets brought out the Shiite Supreme Leader Ali al-Sistani from his political reservations and led him to demand the dismissal of the government of Prime Minister Adel Abdul-Mahdi. And the repression committed during his reign.

The parties expected that they would breathe a sigh of relief with the resignation of Abdel-Mahdi. I considered it an achievement for it and exchanged talks about a new stage, and instructed its political analysts, on television, to make the truce necessary to form a new government to implement all the demands of the revolution. Of course, fireworks and dance rings were strewn across the revolution, rejoicing at the government’s resignation. However, the joy of the government’s resignation lasted only hours, after which the voices stressing the continuation of the revolution until the end, that is, the overthrow of the quota system in its entirety, were toppled.

The revolution: joints and details

What is actually taking place in Iraq is not a revolution but rather revolutions, advanced by that policy in its nature, but it included other joints related to identity, income distribution, the world domain, the freedom of women, and addressing the culture of arms. On the political level, it is a revolution to restore the policy that the regimes monopolized for themselves for years from the Baath regime until today. In this joint, the demands were legalized and put into an easily achievable template instead of the radical demands that seemed difficult to achieve in the beginning, such as preventing all the parties participating in the authority from working in A future political process, as well as the overthrow of the system and the replacement of a presidential system instead. As politics for young revolutionaries is no longer limited to an electoral process with a complex election law with mathematical calculations that are impossible to understand. Rather, it is required to impose a new law that guarantees the representation of all groups, and allows individuals and small parties to enter parliament to represent society.

Political demands include a transitional government from outside the parties and the authority to bring all those involved in blood and corruption to trial. This government administers an election process after months and with international supervision, and sets the condition that none of the members of the interim government be nominated in the elections to be held later. 

Politically, what is wrong with the revolution is that it did not present any party or political bloc that could reach power to represent it, but the argument highlighted by the arenas is fear of assassinations, and the fear of showing leaders who are being liquidated or taken over, or even represent a rift against the names and goals inside tents. The sit.

The revolution provided a rare moment in which Iraqis controlled public space as an opportunity to meet everyone

The revolution represents a restoration of the Iraqi national identity, which has been divided by the division of the political system along sectarian lines. The Iraqis realized that the sectarian division does not mean anything to the political system, and that poverty, deprivation and oppression are distributed to all, and that there is no particular sect wreaking corruption and destruction in Iraq, but rather that is only the product of political interests and the conflicts that result from it.

Some political voices have tried to point out that one group is demonstrating without another, in a clear reference to the Sunni-dominated western and northern governorates of Iraq that have seen little participation in the protests so far. But those in the sit-in squares in central and southern Iraq, who are from the Shi’a majority, understand the repression against the residents of these Sunni-dominated provinces. As it was only two years since these governorates got rid of ISIS and any social movement that will make prisons crowded with their sons on charges of belonging to terrorist organizations. Nevertheless, Tahrir Square in central Baghdad has turned into a meeting place for all provinces, sects and ethnicities. Baghdad has regained its role as the capital of all, and not as a political center through which the looting and impoverishment of other provinces is managed.

The revolution also included an understanding of the chasm that separates a class of the landless from one that gets fattened by the looting of public money, and distinguishes groups that consume public money to live in luxury while others live in ruins. The poverty that the clerics praised for years and demanded that the poor be patient with it and pray for the sake of disengagement from it, Iraqis no longer understand it except that it is a policy imposed by the authority on vulnerable groups in society, and that the continuous looting of public money, the injustice of the distribution of national wealth, and endemic corruption are all tools Impoverishment of a purely political nature. 

The revolution provided a rare moment in which Iraqis controlled public space as an area to meet everyone: secular, religious, and atheist. In other words, the public sphere is no longer associated in their imagination with security barriers, and the fear of identifying names in the identities with the two names accused of terrorism, nor the continuous question “Where have you been and where are you going?” Which is repeated by the security forces, such as the parrot. Other than all that, the public space has turned into a space for exchanging opinions, expressing demands, fears, grievances and making proposals, as well as being a field in which joy is expressed, music is played in it, and dance, prayer and readings of the Qur’an are launched.

And if the early days of the revolution did not witness the presence of women, this changed with time. The revolution embodied a revolution for women based on traditions that turned women into a piece of honor that is difficult to speak to. Women in protest and sit-in arenas played a role that gave them power that no one could take away. The lists of dead, kidnapped, injured and absent women were not without women. Front-line doctors and nurses treated the wounded. They defended the detainees in police stations. Cook and wash clothes, donate money and gold, and campaign even in makeup and cooking groups spread across WhatsApp to communicate information and sustain demonstrations. The women stood in a strong hold in front of Yigal security forces, killing men in Dhi Qar Governorate when they formed a human barrier. This force imposed fear among the harassers, physically approaching them or verbally explaining before them. 

And the revolution committed to its peace despite the massacres committed against the participants, which represented a revolution on the weapon that most of the regimes and governments contributed to spreading and parked in the corners of Iraqi homes. And if the weapon is available, then its use should not become abundant, too, as the demonstrators repeat.

The government and the parties behind it have tried to push the Iraqis to take up arms to get rid of the political crisis that threatens its existence with a civil war. The authorities highlighted the option of civil war in the early days of the protests in October by attacking the heavily armed city of Sadr, but the population adhered to the peaceful option, and it was repeated in the governorates of Maysan, Dhi Qar, Basra, and Muthanna, inhabited by the most ancient Iraqi tribes whose people possess light and medium weapons, except The tribal elders who joined the sit-in squares tended to civil rights and the rule of law and forgot the norms that revenge revenge for their children who were killed by dozens and sometimes field executions.

Political division

In the face of everything that happens in the street, the authority and its parties are still trying to circumvent the protesters’ demands to hold those involved in corruption accountable, waste public money, pass a new electoral law, restrict the arms to the state, provide employment and provide housing as well as basic services such as health, education, energy, roads, and hygiene. In all these ways, the parties try to follow the same rules in approving the formation of the government and passing laws. The authority is betting on the violence it engages, the weather conditions that are cooling down, the boredom and the fatigue that may afflict the protesters in the squares. 

But for the most part, these bets appear to be losing. As the violence led only to an increase in the number of people flocking to the squares. The blood money for the dead is now fulfilling the demands. As for cold and rain, it is resolved by “logistical support” that comes from families in the form of fireplaces, thick clothes and blankets.

Some of the political parties have recognized these facts, and this realization has divided the political corridors between the parties, leaders, and even armed factions among them. The Prime Minister submitted his resignation to Parliament, instead of submitting it to the President of the Republic, according to the provisions of the constitution, as a result of differences between them. The “Saeron” bloc, led by Muqtada al-Sadr, ceased to submit any alternative candidate to Abdul-Mahdi. Other parties, which will vote on the government, are afraid of submitting any candidate that the rebels will reject and fall, which means a new profit point for the revolution on the political class.

As for the new election law that the protesters demand to pass, and which guarantees independent candidates and small parties access to parliament, it has become the reason to postpone the sessions of parliament one after the other, because it will mean a large number of parties leaving the game, and another loss of half of their seats, so they continue to maneuver for Ratify a proportional law that guarantees at least the loss of half of its seats.

Everyone now fears a bigger street explosion and the inability to control it. Talks are under way in the parties about the need to provide “scapegoats” for the judiciary. Arrest orders have already been issued against some party members from the second and third lines . But the squares are not enough. 

A continuous revolution!

It does not seem that the Iraqi street will withdraw from its revolution soon. There are many reasons why sit-ins and strikes have not diminished or voices have disappeared in the central squares of the revolution in Baghdad and the provinces, despite the brutal violence – from multiple parties – that was used against the defenseless youth. At the forefront of those reasons is the much blood that was shed. The young men repeat that nothing will take revenge on their murdered comrades except to fulfill the demands. Nothing will cause their bodies to settle in their graves other than the “homeland” who went out in order to recover it, and no just revenge is sufficient for them to provide only those who caused the fighter to the trials. Although these arguments appear to be “emotional,” they are realistic. 

But fear is not for the dead to rest in their graves, but for the living as well. The regime did not commit all these massacres except for its life forever without making any concessions, and its victory and those with it from the armed factions over the revolution, which means, among other things, a dictatorship will not fail to commit massacres at any time you want, and means that prisons will be filled with all those who opposed them. And that the future of the young men is suicide, immigration, or living in Iraq with humiliatio

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